A MESSAGE FOR US Secretary of State ALBRIGHT ICEJ OPINION by David Parsons Middle East Digest, September 9, 1997

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US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright makes her debut into Middle East peacemaking at a time when Israelis are doing a great deal of soul-searching about the Oslo process. The recent suicide bombings at Mahane Yehuda and Ben Yehuda present them with a perplexing and intolerable situation. The prime assumption of Oslo, according to its architects, was that these acts of terrorism would become a thing of the past. What is now obvious is that they managed to wrestle out of Yasser Arafat what has proven to be just another hollow renunciation of terrorism, that Oslo has brought only an increase in casualties due to a new brand of terrorism -- Islamic suicide bombers, and that the restraints of Oslo keep Israel from taking effective measures against Hamas, Islamic Jihad and other terrorist organisations.

Ironically, the seeds for Oslo's collapse were sown on the same day it began. On September 9, 1993, when Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin exchanged mutual letters of recognition allowing them to engage in talks as "partners", Israeli buses were waiting on the Lebanese border to return hundreds of Hamas activists deported to south Lebanon. The spate of suicide bombings which now make it impossible for Israel to continue with business as usual can be traced back to this episode -- when international, including American, interference forced Israel to treat Hamas with kid gloves and welcome back the recruiters of human time bombs.

A lame-duck President Bush voted to condemn Israel (UN Security Council Resolution 799) for the temporary expulsion of 415 Hamas activists in December 1992, rather than exercise the first US veto since the Gulf War. Months later, President Clinton and his peace team, including UN envoy Madeleine Albright, threatened to veto the PLO's push for a UN resolution with sanctions against Israel for the deportations. The PLO, standing by their Hamas brethren, then instructed the Madrid-format Palestinian delegation to boycott the Washington talks. To get the Palestinians back to the table, the US and Israel worked out an agreement for the gradual return of all the deportees in less than the two years ordered. Consequently, at the same time as the Rabin-Arafat exchange of letters, Hamas deportees were welcomed as heroes in Gaza.

While in Lebanon, these Hamas terrorists had received explosives training from Iranian-backed Hizb'Allah and other organisations based in Syria and the Beka'a Valley. Upon their return, the spate of suicide bombings began, totalling 20 to date. (The first was in April 1993, while the deportees were still in Lebanon, to protest the expulsions. The "suicide bomber" used an old method -- a car packed with explosives -- and simply remained in the car to steer for maximum effect.) Since then, these suicide attacks have reaped unprecedented carnage throughout Israel, but particularly in the heart of the highly symbolic city of Jerusalem.

Arafat's recent embrace of Hamas leader Abed el-Aziz Rantisi (who rose to prominence as spokesman for the deportees before a sympathetic world audience) clearly was a "green light" to terrorism. But it is only one of many green lights given in recent years by world leaders reluctant to confront Islamic terror.

Sadly, Secretary Albright has engaged in a little poor signalling herself. Albright predicated her first visit to the region on the PA restoring security cooperation with Israel following the Mahane Yehuda bombing. Yet she decided to come at the very moment Arafat was "dialoguing" with Hamas and telling Fatah to prepare for war. The Clinton Administration undeniably has exhibited a propensity to turn a blind eye to Arafat's blatant flaunting of his Oslo commitments, including the requirement to disarm militants and fight terror.

WHY? It is no secret the State Department seeks to override Israel's own assessment of progress towards peace in order to make (predetermined) demands for more Israeli concessions in one big, final push to impose a settlement that serves primarily American interests in the region.

Confidence in American mediation, and judgement, is suffering as a result. The "risks for peace" demanded of Israel are not expected of Arafat. We are told that if he complies with his agreements, he risks being toppled. But if Arafat takes the risk of dismantling Hamas, for example, Israelis will take due notice. If he survives as is, no one benefits -- least of all the Palestinian people.

One Israeli recently said peace to him means "peace of mind" -- meaning freedom from that worrisome feeling, that nagging preoccupation a terrorist bomber is stalking you. Arafat could do much to help alleviate those fears, but he defiantly refuses. Albright's own State Department is warning Americans not to go into crowded areas, especially in Jerusalem. Will she expect Israelis to continue to expose themselves to risks Americans like myself are told to flee?

For there to be true progress towards peace, the US must demand that Arafat fight terror, rather than force Israel to take ever-increasing risks. The very first step for Albright must be a firm, public American condemnation not just of terrorism, but of this particular brand of terrorism grounded in the Islamic belief that suicide bombers go directly to heaven by killing Jews. The same should be required of Arafat, or the deadly Oslo seed will continue to reap its toll.